Japan and the Birth of Modern Shipbuilding
How Japan invented modern shipbuilding, and conquered the shipbuilding industry in the process.
During WWII, the US constructed an unprecedented shipbuilding machine. By assembling ships from welded, prefabricated blocks, the US built a huge number of cargo ships incredibly quickly, overwhelming Germany’s u-boats and helping to win the war. But when the war was over, this shipbuilding machine was dismantled. Industrialists like Henry Kaiser and Stephen Bechtel, who operated some of the US’s most efficient wartime shipyards, left the shipbuilding business. Prior to the war, the US had been an uncompetitive commercial shipbuilder producing a small fraction of commercial oceangoing ships, and that’s what it became again. At the height of the war the US was producing nearly 90% of the world’s ships. By the 1950s, it produced just over 2%.
But the lessons from the US’s shipbuilding machine weren’t forgotten. After the war, practitioners brought them to Japan, where they would continue to evolve, eventually allowing Japan to build ships faster and cheaper than almost anyone else in the world.
Origins of Japan’s post-war shipbuilding industry
One of the shipyards that built cargo ships during the war was Welding Shipyards, owned by Daniel Ludwig. In 1936 Ludwig had founded shipping company National Bulk Carriers (NBC), which bought surplus WWI cargo ships and converted them into oil tankers. From there, Ludwig expanded into shipbuilding, and built his one-berth shipyard at Norfolk in 1940.1 During the war, Welding Shipyards produced T3 tankers using prefabricated welded construction, which were then operated by National Bulk Carriers. After the war, Ludwig continued to build tankers: between 1948 and 1950 he built 5 Bulkpetrol-class tankers, then the largest tankers in the world.
Ludwig wanted to build even larger ships, in part to capitalize on the burgeoning iron ore trade with Venezuela, but was limited by the size of the berth at Welding Shipyards. Unfazed, Ludwig dispatched his lieutenant Elmer Hann to find a shipyard with the capacity to build larger vessels. The search brought Hann to a former naval shipyard in Kure, Japan, near Hiroshima. The Kure facilities were enormous: they had been used to build the Yamato, the largest battleship in the world, and had a 100-ton gantry crane and a drydock capable of building ships of 150,000 tons deadweight. (By comparison, a Liberty ship is about 10,800 deadweight tons.) In 1951, Ludwig signed a 10-year lease for the Kure shipyard.
At Kure, National Bulk Carriers built a series of record-breakingly large ships: the 38,000 deadweight ton Petro Kure in 1952, the 45,000 deadweight ton Phoenix in 1954, and the 55,000 deadweight ton Sinclair Petro-Lore in 1955. The Universe Apollo, launched at Kure in 1958, was the first tanker in the world to exceed 100,000 deadweight tons. Altogether Ludwig built 42 ships at Kure, many of them the largest in the world when completed. When his lease at Kure expired, the shipyards were acquired by Japanese shipbuilder IHI, which continued to build enormous tankers for Ludwig.
Kure and modern shipbuilding methods
Modern shipbuilding methods were born at Kure in the 1950s, by combining three different strategies for industrial process improvement.
The first strategy was the prefabricated, welded shipbuilding methods that the US had used so successfully during WWII. To briefly recap, prior to WWII ships were largely built in-place by riveting together the hull one piece at a time. This was time-consuming (a Liberty-sized ship could take months to produce) and labor-intensive, in part because riveting took a long time, and in part because so much of the work was done in the confines of the partially-built ship. Replacing riveting with welding allowed for faster assembly, and also saved steel (since welded plates didn’t need to overlap like riveted plates did). And by constructing the ship out of large, prefabricated blocks, work could be moved out of the confines of the ship and into specialized assembly areas where it could be more easily performed and more workers could work on the ship at once, increasing speed and improving efficiency.
Both Elmer Hann and Danield Ludwig were well-versed in welded, prefabricated shipbuilding. Ludwig had used it at Welding Shipyards to build T3 and Bulkpetrol-class tankers, and Elmer Hann had been the superintendent for Henry Kaiser’s Swan Island shipyard, which used welded, prefabricated construction to produce 147 T2 tankers over the course of the war.
Japanese shipbuilders weren’t completely unfamiliar with these methods. Welding had been used to a limited extent on Japanese naval vessels during the war, and Japan had also used both welding and prefabrication to build “standard” merchant ships, not unlike the US’s shipbuilding program. But the Japanese efforts were small compared to what had been achieved in the US, and it was Hann and Ludwig’s extensive experience (especially Hann’s) with welding and prefabrication that accelerated their adoption at Kure.
The second strategy that became part of modern shipbuilding methods came from aircraft manufacturing. Kure’s chief engineer Hisashi Shinto had briefly worked in aircraft design during the war, and had been struck by the system of drawings the industry used. Aircraft were manufactured by producing large sections (fuselage, wings, etc.) that were then joined together. These sections were built using a detailed set of drawings that described exactly what materials were needed and what operations were performed at each step in the assembly process. Shinto thought that such a system might be profitably applied to shipbuilding, and he was given the chance to implement it when NBC began operations at Kure.
The third strategy that formed the core of modern shipbuilding methods was statistical process control. The basic idea behind process control is that it’s impossible to make an industrial process perfectly reliable. There will always be some variation in what it produces: differences in part dimensions, material strength, chemical composition, and so on. But while some variation is inherent to the process (and must be accepted), much of the variation is from specific causes that can be hunted down and eliminated. By analyzing the variation in a process, undesirable sources of variation can be removed. This makes a process work more reliably and predictably, reducing waste and rework from parts that are outside acceptable tolerances.
Statistical process control originated in AT&T’s Western Electric subsidiary with the work of Walter Shewhart (another major achievement of Bell Labs), and was brought to Japan after the war by W. Edwards Deming. Deming gave 35 lectures on statistical control in Japan in 1950, and over the next two decades nearly 15,000 Japanese engineers — and thousands more factory foremen — were trained in statistical control methods. Statistical methods were enthusiastically adopted in shipbuilding, and they became the third key component needed for a new method of shipbuilding to emerge.
How the system works
These three strategies worked together, supporting and reinforcing each other. The basic idea is simple: doing work on or in a ship as it’s being built is difficult. Conditions are cramped, the orientation of the work is often awkward (requiring scaffolding or overhead working), the lack of space makes it hard to use equipment or automate labor, and so on. The more that work can be done earlier in the process, before the ship is being assembled, the easier and faster it will be to do. Japanese shipbuilder IHI estimated that work that took one labor-hour in the early fabrication process would take 8 hours when done during final ship assembly, and 12 hours when done after the ship had launched.
Prefabricated block construction makes it possible to do more work earlier in the assembly process. By making subassemblies incorporating various ship systems (parts of the hull, piping, wiring, etc.), and then stitching those subassemblies together, much of the work can be completed long before the ship is being put together. And because this work is done in fabrication shops with the aid of jigs, fixtures, and automated equipment, it can be done much more quickly than if it were done on the ship itself. For instance, cranes can be used to rotate assemblies so welding can be done downhand (below the worker), which is much faster and easier than welding vertically or overhead. Completed subassemblies are stitched together into semi-blocks, semi-blocks into blocks, and (sometimes) blocks into grand blocks, which are then stitched together to form the ship itself.
Block construction had been widely adopted by US Maritime Commission shipyards during WWII, but Japan pushed the technique much farther. Blocks grew to be larger and heavier. WWII Maritime Commission shipyard cranes generally had 25 to 30 ton capacities, but the gantry crane at Kure could lift 100 tons, and by the 1960s Japanese shipyards were installing huge “Goliath” cranes with capacities of 300 tons or more.
Blocks got heavier not only because they got larger, but because Japanese yards installed as many components and systems as possible in the early assembly stages where the work was easier to do. Things that had traditionally been installed during the final outfitting process were pushed upstream and installed earlier. Cabling, for instance, could be installed on blocks prior to the blocks being stitched together, allowing for more efficient downhand cable installation.
Building a ship from blocks with many parts and systems already installed required carefully tracking and managing the flow of components, to ensure that everything was where it needed to be at the exact right time. If a part wasn’t available, the entire system would grind to a halt until it could be installed, potentially holding up everything downstream of that particular process. Assembling high level-of-completion blocks thus required a production control system similar to the one Shinto had observed in aircraft manufacturing during the war. The system as practiced in shipbuilding became known as “zone outfitting.” Drawings showing every system to be installed on a given assembly or block would be produced, listing every part or component needed at each stage in the process. Based on these drawings and part lists, pallets of material would be arranged and delivered to the proper assembly site exactly when they were needed.
Stitching together high level-of-completion blocks demanded both a carefully orchestrated flow of materials and a high degree of accuracy. Without it, parts wouldn’t align when assemblies or blocks were being joined, requiring laborious and time-consuming repairs or rework to get things to fit. This lack of accuracy was a weakness of WWII-era prefabrication: variation in parts (in part due to insufficiently precise machine tools) meant that a lot of manual fitting was still required to get parts to fit together properly. To minimize these wasteful efforts, Japanese shipbuilders adopted statistical process control methods to analyze and remove sources of unwanted variation and distortion. These methods, in concert with things like more accurate welding methods and line heating (which allowed for very accurate shaping of steel plates), greatly increased accuracy and streamlined the assembly process.
Statistical process control methods require some degree of repetition in the work that’s being performed: tracking averages and standard deviations only works when you’re doing similar tasks over and over again. To achieve this, Japanese shipyard fabrication operations were divided into “process lanes,” where each lane was dedicated to doing particular types of work. One area of the shipyard might be devoted to fabricating hull sections, which would then be divided into lanes for making curved steel plate assemblies, flat steel plate assemblies, assemblies out of steel shapes, and so on. Process lanes in other parts of the yard might be devoted to making piping assemblies, or for installing certain types of components. This sort of division of shipyard labor had been used in Maritime Commission yards during WWII, but was once again pushed even further by the Japanese by coupling it with statistical control methods.
In addition to statistical benefits, dividing shipyards into process lanes made other efficiency improvements possible. Shipyards, even large ones, aren’t mass production operations. A mass production operation will produce thousands or millions of near-identical products each year. Today the largest shipyard in the world, Hyundai’s Ulsan shipyard, only produces a few dozen ships per year, many if not most of them unique. But by breaking down a ship into similar sorts of assemblies, and having those assemblies fabricated in dedicated areas of a shipyard, many of the benefits of mass production can be obtained. Material flow between different process steps can be smoother, and setups (the time it takes to prepare to do a certain task) can be greatly reduced. Equipment dedicated to performing certain tasks can be located where it’s needed, repetitive operations can be automated or streamlined, and problems that repeatedly appear doing certain types of work can more easily be solved.
(Grouping high-variance work into clusters of similarity, and devoting areas of a factory to producing clusters of similar parts, is an industrial improvement method known as “Group Technology,” which became popular in the 1960s. Japanese shipyards don’t appear to have adopted Group Technology specifically, but they independently converged on many of the same principles, and modern descriptions describe the early Japanese yards as working on “the logic of Group Technology.”)
By combining welded block assembly methods, aircraft-style production control systems, and statistical process control, Japanese shipbuilders at Kure created a whole new method of building ships. While the ideas behind the method are easy enough to explain, actually adopting the system was difficult. It required much more work upfront to create a block-by-block breakdown of an entire ship, complete with a list of exactly what parts were needed when. More monitoring and oversight was needed to hunt down and eliminate sources of variation and keep processes within statistical boundaries, which in turn required highly skilled managers (Japan was notable for having very large numbers of shipyard managers with university degrees compared to the US.) Huge investments in shipyard infrastructure were required: in cranes that could lift the huge blocks, in large drydocks, in new yards arranged to have an efficient flow of material and room to store work in process. And it required a great deal of coordination and schedule discipline to ensure everything, from materials on individual pallets to hundred-ton grand blocks, were ready for installation at the proper time.
Implementing the system was difficult. But when it worked, it allowed Japan to build ships dramatically faster and cheaper.
How the system came together
This new method of shipbuilding didn’t appear fully formed, but gradually evolved over a turbulent few decades for the shipping and shipbuilding industries.
In the aftermath of WWII, Japan’s economy was in shambles. Shipping had been hit especially hard: 80% of Japan’s ships (by tonnage) had been lost during the war, and most of the ships that remained were small, outdated, or damaged. After the Allies (in practice, the US) took control of Japan in 1945, shipyards were ordered to cease production of new ships, and there were tentative plans to remove much of Japan’s shipbuilding infrastructure and give it to the allies as war reparations. But the US eventually realized that Japan was so dependent on imports that hamstringing its shipping and shipbuilding would make it permanently dependent on US support, and that a strong Japan would be a useful ally against a rising Soviet Union. Allied policy thus turned to encouraging Japan’s shipping and shipbuilding industry to expand. To kickstart the industry, in 1947 the Japanese government created a “Programmed Shipbuilding Scheme”: the government would decide how many and what sort of new ships should be built, and fund their construction by making low-cost loans to Japanese shipowners to purchase them. The Programmed Shipbuilding Scheme continued into the 1980s, and while it eventually became less important once Japan began building large numbers of ships for export, in the late 1940s and early 1950s it gave crucial support to the shipbuilding industry, and was responsible for the vast majority of new shipping tonnage built. By 1949, 270,000 gross tons of merchant ships (roughly equal to 36 Liberty Ships) were being built under the scheme.
Japanese shipbuilders got another boost following the outbreak of the Korean War in 1950, which created a huge (though brief) demand for new ships. Thanks to an influx of foreign orders, between 1949 and 1953 the tonnage produce for foreign export at Japanese shipyards rose from 3,700 tons to more than 300,000 tons.
At this point, Japanese ships were still much more expensive than British or European ships: foreign orders came not because of low prices or good service but because demand was incredibly high and shipowners were placing orders in any yard that had capacity. Japanese labor costs were much lower than in other shipbuilding countries, but its steel was more expensive, and Japan’s overall shipbuilding efficiency was low. But Japanese shipbuilders, the government, and other organizations like the Society of Naval Architects of Japan all worked diligently to strengthen the industry. The quality of welding was improved, and difficult-to-weld “rimmed” steel was replaced with easier-to-weld “killed” steel. By the mid-1950s essentially all Japanese ships were built using welded construction, up from just 20% in 1948. Labor efficiency was improved by introducing automatic machines for marking, welding, and cutting plates. The government created a program to supply steel to shipbuilders at low rates, and the Japanese steel industry built large, modern facilities, eventually lowering their production costs.
It was in this context of an industry that Japan was already hard at work improving that NBC began operations at Kure. As part of NBC’s lease arrangement with the Japanese government, engineers from other shipyards were allowed to observe the Kure yard and to be trained in the new methods being developed there. Over the 10 years of NBC’s lease, 4-5,000 engineers were taught the new methods. As other Japanese shipbuilders began to adopt the new methods, they made huge investments in modernizing their shipyards and installing new equipment
These efforts quickly bore fruit. Between 1949 and 1956, the labor-hours per ton of ship fell by nearly 50% in Japanese shipyards, and the time required to launch a ship fell from 8.5 months to 6 months. The worldwide shipbuilding market declined following the end of the Korean War, but then quickly boomed again. Foreign orders for Japanese ships skyrocketed, and by 1956 Japan surpassed the UK to become the largest commercial shipbuilder in the world.
And Japan didn’t stop there. The Suez Canal closed in 1956 due to the Suez Crisis, creating a demand for the exact sort of large tankers that Daniel Ludwig set out to build at Kure and that Japan was becoming an expert in. The shipbuilding market declined following the reopening of the Suez Canal in 1957, but then bounced back even stronger than before, and Japan’s newfound efficiency allowed it to capture a larger market share even while global orders were declining.
Japanese shipbuilders continued to improve their ship designs and the methods for building them. They developed new, more efficient hull forms, such as the “bulbous bow” which reduced drag from waves. Steel plates were made thinner, and tankers were redesigned to require fewer internal supports. A variety of new welding technology was introduced, including better electrodes, mechanical “gravity welding” machines, one-sided welding (eliminating the need to weld on both sides of a steel plate), and high-speed gas welding.
The shipbuilding methods introduced at Kure also continued to be developed. Shipyards found ways to move outfitting and final assembly work earlier in the process, where it could be done more easily and efficiently: by the 1980s, IHI was installing 80% of a ship’s piping before final assembly. Automatic material handling systems were installed. Process flow lanes were further refined, and fabrication accuracy continued to improve. Parts (and even whole ships) were standardized, reducing design and communication overheads and improving manufacturing efficiency. These and other changes were due to deliberate attempts at continuous improvement, and were often generated by small groups of employees working in “quality circles.”
Japanese shipyards also continued to make large infrastructure investments, in some cases building new shipyards far in areas that had large amounts of available land and ready supplies of labor. New, large drydocks were built, which were superior to the inclined slipways that had previously been used to launch ships.2 The drydock at Kure which had first enticed National Bulk Carriers could build ships of 150,000 tons, but by the late 1960s Japanese shipyards were building drydocks with over 400,000 deadweight tons ship capacity, along with enormous Goliath gantry cranes capable of lifting 300 tons or more. Heavier cranes allowed for larger blocks and fewer final assembly operations, further reducing construction times. By 1974, seven Japanese shipyards were capable of building 500,000 deadweight ton ships, as many yards as the rest of the world had combined.
Japanese shipbuilders also worked to improve their financial performance. Smaller shipbuilders merged into larger ones, and many shipbuilders became diversified industrial conglomerates to insulate themselves somewhat from the notoriously high-variance shipbuilding industry.3 By the 1970s, for instance, Japanese shipbuilder IHI was manufacturing a range of equipment and heavy machinery, including aircraft engines, nuclear pressure vessels, and plastic molding machinery. Shipyards developed networks of suppliers so parts and materials could be delivered “just in time,” reducing the costs and requirements for holding large amounts of inventory.
As a result, the speed and efficiency of Japanese shipbuilding continued to improve. Between 1958 and 1964, labor-hours per gross ton of Japanese shipyards fell by 60%, and by 1970 had fallen even more. (This efficiency meant that even as Japanese labor costs rose, the labor fraction of the cost of a new ship stayed relatively constant.) Larger ships and more efficient ship designs meant that the amount of steel required per ton of capacity declined by 36% between 1958 and 1964. In the late 1940s it took 10 months to build and launch a cargo ship in Japanese shipyards. By 1970 it took only around 3 months, even though the 1970 ships were 10 times the size.4
When Japan passed the UK as the world’s largest commercial shipbuilder in 1956, it was building around 30% of the world’s gross tonnage. By 1970, that fraction had risen to nearly 50%. And as world demand for ships continued to skyrocket in the ‘60s and early ‘70s (accelerated by the Suez Canal closing again in 1967, Japan’s shipbuilding output increased enormously. By 1973, Japan was building over 17 million gross tons of cargo ships a year, nearly as much as the 19 million tons of Liberty Ships the US built over the entire course of WWII.
An illustration of just how far Japanese shipbuilders had come came in 1970, when the US instituted the “National Shipbuilding Research Program” (NSRP) in an attempt to improve US shipbuilding efficiency. The main targets of this program were Japanese shipyards, which by the 1970s were building ships more than twice as fast as the US for less than half the cost. Over the next several decades, US shipbuilders would try to learn the Japan shipbuilding techniques that had originated in the US so many years ago. (Ironically, many of the US organizations involved in this effort were behind the pioneering shipbuilding efforts during WWII. The NSRP was spearheaded by the Maritime Administration, the descendant of the US Maritime Commission that orchestrated the construction of thousands of Liberty Ships. And one of the participants was Todd Shipyards, the shipbuilder which partnered with Henry Kaiser and the Six Companies to build and operate the first emergency shipyards for the Maritime Commission during the war.)
Conclusion
What lessons can we learn from Japan’s successful effort to develop a shipbuilding industry?
One is that government support was very important. Early on, the Japanese government pumped a lot of money into the industry through things like the Programmed Shipbuilding Scheme and the deal that gave shipbuilders access to low-cost steel, and provided key support in other ways (like arranging for other shipyard engineers to visit NBC’s operations at Kure).
More generally, it helped enormously to have major organizations and centers of power working with the revitalization effort, or at least not opposing it. Japanese unions, for instance, weren't organized by craft (welders, boilermakers, etc.), but were “house” unions for each individual shipbuilder (which later organized into one larger umbrella union). This made them more flexible with regards to changing how the work was done. As long as employment wasn’t reduced, the Japanese unions did not oppose the dramatic work rearrangements that the new shipbuilding methods required. In the UK, on the other hand, shipbuilding unions resisted this reorganization, which hamstrung the country’s efforts to modernize its industry.
Another lesson is that luck can be a major factor in the arc of industrial development. Japan ultimately benefited enormously from NBC’s Kure operations, which were only set up there because Japanese shipyards had survived the war intact. And Japan benefited from several major tailwinds (the Korean war creating demand for even inefficient shipbuilding, and the Suez Crisis stoking demand for the large tankers Japanese yards had become experts at building). I doubt that these were make or break in whether the industry flourished or not (for one, Japan had many similar industrial successes), but they probably helped it become as dominant as it was.
Another important and perhaps underrated factor in industrial success is simply the will to succeed. As I noted in my essay on why the US can’t build ships, the Japanese had a “burning zeal” to make their shipbuilding industry among the best in the world. Shipbuilders in Korea (which succeeded Japan as the world’s biggest shipbuilder) seemed similarly motivated. The US, on the other hand, has never been able to marshal the will to do what it takes to make its industry internationally competitive, and US shipyards often seem to lack motivation to improve. A Japanese shipyard executive engaged to help US shipyards improve their operations noted in the 1980s that the US yards labor hour reduction “did not reach the level that IHI had expected” and that “people who perform production engineering seem rather passive.” You get a similar sense when reading about post-war UK shipbuilding: that it simply lacked the motivation to improve until it was way too late.
And finally, Japan’s shipbuilding efforts show that very high levels of coordination make extremely impressive things possible. The shipbuilding techniques developed in Japan demand a great deal of coordination — between shipowners and designers, between designers and production, between the shipyard and supplier — and the organization needs to be structured to allow such coordination. Hisashi Shinto criticized the US system of having ship design done by outside consultants rather than in-house by the shipyard, describing it as “beyond our comprehension”, and Todd shipyard executives noted that “If the key to Japanese productivity were to be summed up in one word, that word would be "communication."” (One way to get this coordination is vertical integration, but it’s not the only way: Japanese shipyards outsourced a large fraction of their work, and also made heavy use of temporary workers, but were nevertheless able to closely coordinate with their suppliers to get what they need when they need it.)
I suspect that coordination failures are behind a lot of industrial dysfunction – you can see them at work in naval shipbuilding, for instance, and it’s also part of what makes construction innovation so difficult – and understanding why they occur and how they could be improved might be an underrated avenue for industrial improvement.
Sources seem to disagree on this. Wikipedia says Welding Shipyards was built in 1940. t2tanker.org says it began operating in 1938. The Moneymakers claims it wasn’t built until after Pearl Harbor, which would be 1942 at the earliest.
I had a hard time figuring out exactly why drydocks are superior to slipways. Part of it seems to be that launching a ship by sliding it down a slipway causes stresses on the ship and can potentially damage it, and safely launching very large ships essentially requires floating them with a drydock rather than sliding down a slipway. But it’s also implied that there are other efficiencies (possibly related to the sloped surface of the slipway adding complexity) that I had trouble pinning down.
Shipbuilding is high-variance in part due to the “accelerator effect” — a small change in output for a final good can result in a large change in the demand for the long-lifetime equipment used to produce that good. So small changes in global trade volumes can have large changes on the demand for new ships.
Interestingly, Japan wasn’t necessarily the most productive shipbuilder in the world in terms of labor efficiency. By 1981 Sweden was at the top, Japan was only 4th.
I would love to learn more about why "Ludwig wanted to build even larger ships, in part to capitalize on the burgeoning iron ore trade with Venezuela." Minnesota's Iron Range benefited greatly before the 1950s from the lack of long-distance international trade in iron ore, giving it a virtual monopoly with US steel makers. I've read vague discussions about improvements in shipping creating an international market in ore but would appreciate learning more, especially from scholarly sources. Thanks!
Any thoughts on the Jones Act as it relates to the subject at hand?